Introduction
⌅Gender
inequality is present in many socioeconomic indicators around the world
in both developed and developing countries. These gaps can be observed
in education, earnings, occupation, access to productive inputs,
political representation, or bargaining power inside the household,
among others.
1
See the World Development Report 2012 (World Bank, 2012) for a comprehensive review of these and other gender gaps discussed in the literature.
One important aspect of gender inequality in the labor market that has
been largely overlooked in the literature is the low representation of
women in entrepreneurship. In this paper, we study this issue for Latin
America and the Caribbean (LAC) using data from the World Bank Enterprise Survey[16] World Bank. (s. f.). Enterprise Surveys [Base de datos]. World Bank Group. Recuperado el 28 de julio de 2026, de https://www.enterprisesurveys.org
.2
We
acknowledge that there is substantial institutional and economic
heterogeneity across Latin American and Caribbean countries. Differences
in regulatory quality, access to finance, female labor force
participation, and economic development may generate heterogeneous
effects on entrepreneurial constraints and the associated efficiency
losses. However, the availability of comparable data limits our ability
to conduct a reliable country-level or subgroup analysis. Estimating the
model requires a sufficiently large number of observations to identify
the relevant parameters, which is not feasible for many countries
individually. Therefore, a systematic analysis of regional heterogeneity
is beyond the scope of this paper. Our objective is to provide an
aggregate estimate for the region based on the best comparable data
available, rather than to characterize cross-country differences.
In that region, on average, female-run firms account for only about 25%
of all firms, and the average firm managed by a woman is about 3 times
smaller than that of a man.
We then use the general equilibrium model in Cuberes and Teignier (2022)[7]
Cuberes, D., & Teignier, M. (2022). Size-dependent gender gaps in
entrepreneurship: The case of Chile. Latin American Economic Review, 31,
Article 5. https://doi.org/10.47963/laer.v31.55
to quantify the effects of gender gaps in
entrepreneurship on aggregate productivity and income. In our
theoretical framework, agents are endowed with a random entrepreneurship
skill, on which they decide whether to become employers, self-employed,
or workers. An employer in this model produces a homogeneous good using
span-of-control technology that combines their entrepreneurial skills
with capital and labor. We assume that men and women are identical in
terms of their managerial skills- in the sense that both groups draw
their managerial talent from identical distribution functions- but women
are subject to exogenous constraints in their occupational choices,
which results in a fraction of them being excluded from employership.
This generates a loss in income per worker because less able managers
run firms of sub-optimal size and productivity. An important question in
determining the magnitude of this aggregate loss is which types of
women are excluded from employership. To determine how entrepreneurial
skills and selection into entrepreneurship are related, we examine our
empirical results through the lens of our model. In our model, in the
absence of gender frictions or when these frictions are independent of
talent, both men and women manage firms of identical size. Since the
data indicate that firms’ size is significantly smaller for women, this
means, through the lens of our model, that the probability of being
excluded from employership must increase with a woman’s talent. Our
empirical analysis indicates that, in our set of countries, women tend
to run smaller firms than men, which, in our framework, implies that
more talented women are less likely to become employers.
We find large effects of the employer-gender gap on aggregate output and productivity. In the Latin America and Caribbean region (LAC), we estimate an 8.9% fall in aggregate output in the short run when we keep the stock of capital fixed, and 9.4% in the long run when this stock is also negatively affected. These losses are 1.3 times larger than those we would obtain using a model in which the exclusion probability is independent of talent. 3 See Cuberes and Teignier (2014) for a critical literature review of the two-directional link between gender inequality and economic growth. The intuition behind the output loss is as follows. When a woman with very good management skills cannot become an employer, a less skilled man takes her position and becomes the manager of a firm and, as a consequence, the average firm size and output per worker in the economy fall. On top of that, if more talented women face a higher probability of exclusion, the average talent of employers declines further, resulting in a larger loss.
To our knowledge, there are very few
articles that quantify the macroeconomic effects of gender gaps in the
labor market. The International Labor Organization provides estimates of
the output costs associated with labor gender gaps but does not propose
any specific theoretical model (International Labor Organization, 2014[11]
International Labor Organization. (2014). Global employment trends
2014: Risk of a jobless recovery? International Labour Office. https://www.ilo.org/global/research/global-reports/global-employment-trends/2014/WCMS_233953/lang--en/index.htm
). One shortcoming of their exercise is that it
does not shed light on the mechanisms by which gender gaps in the labor
market may affect aggregate efficiency. Cavalcanti and Tavares (2016)[3]
Cavalcanti, T., & Tavares, J. (2016). The output cost of gender
discrimination: A model-based macroeconomic estimate. The Economic
Journal, 126(590), 109-134. https://doi.org/10.1111/ecoj.11203
construct a growth model based on Galor and Weil (1996)[9] Galor, O., & Weil, D. N. (1996). The gender gap, fertility, and growth. The American Economic Review, 86(3), 374-387. https://doi.org/10.2307/2118202
that includes exogenous wage discrimination
against women. Calibrating their model using U.S. data, they find very
large effects associated with these wage gaps: a 50 percent increase in
the gender wage gap in their model leads to a decrease in income per
capita of a quarter of the original output. Their results also suggest
that a large fraction of the actual difference in output per capita
between the U.S. and other countries is indeed generated by the presence
of gender inequality in wages. Hsieh et al. (2019)[10]
Hsieh, C.-T., Hurst, E., Jones, C. I., & Klenow, P. J. (2019). The
allocation of talent and U.S. economic growth. Econometrica, 87(5),
1439-1474. https://doi.org/10.3982/ECTA11429
use a Roy model to estimate the effect of changes
in the occupational allocation of white women, black men, and black
women between 1960 and 2008 on U.S. economic growth and find that the
improved allocation of talent accounts for 17 to 20 percent of growth
over this period. Finally, Cuberes and Teignier (2016)[6]
Cuberes, D., & Teignier, M. (2016). Aggregate costs of gender gaps
in the labor market: A quantitative estimate. Journal of Human Capital,
10(1), 1-32. https://doi.org/10.1086/684850
calculate the macroeconomic effects of gender
inequality in the labor market using data from the International Labor
Organization for a large sample of countries, including several
countries from the LAC region, while Cuberes and Teignier (2022)[7]
Cuberes, D., & Teignier, M. (2022). Size-dependent gender gaps in
entrepreneurship: The case of Chile. Latin American Economic Review, 31,
Article 5. https://doi.org/10.47963/laer.v31.55
analyze the case of Chile, and Cuberes and Teignier (2025)[8]
Cuberes, D., & Teignier, M. (2025). Costos macroeconómicos de las
desigualdades de género en un modelo con emprendimiento y producción
doméstica: el caso de México. Ensayos. Revista de Economía, 44(1),
63-84. https://doi.org/10.29105/ensayos44.1-3
study the case of Mexico, taking into account the
household sector production. An important difference is that, in this
article, we use firm-level data for Latin America and the Caribbean,
rather than labor aggregates, to conduct our analysis. Regarding the
analysis of firm size by gender in Latin America, Arellano and Peralta (2015)[1]
Arellano, P., & Peralta, S. (2015). Informe de resultados: Análisis
de género en las empresas. Tercera Encuesta Longitudinal de Empresas.
Ministerio de Economía, Fomento y Turismo, División de Política
Comercial e Industrial. https://www.economia.gob.cl/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Resultados-ELE-3.pdf
report significant differences in firm size and
productivity in Chile. Still, they do not use any theoretical model in
their analysis.
It is important to emphasize that our analysis constitutes a theoretical model based on a specific model and set of assumptions. Other factors, including credit constraints, sectoral segregation, differences in preferences, family responsibilities, business networks, and accumulated managerial experience, may also help explain the patterns observed in the data.
The rest of the paper is organized as follows. Section 1 presents the empirical facts, and Section 2 sketches the general equilibrium occupational choice model. The numerical results of the paper are presented and discussed in Section 3, while Section 4 contains the sensitivity analyses. Finally, conclusions.
1. Empirical facts
⌅We
begin the analysis by documenting existing differences in employership
between men and women in the LAC region. First, using data for the
latest available year for all countries in this region from the International Labor Organization (KILM, 8th edition)[15] Organización Internacional del Trabajo. (2013). Key indicators of the labour market (8.ª ed.). OIT. https://www.ilo.org/ilostat
on employers by gender, we find that women are clearly underrepresented
4
http://kilm.ilo.org/KILMnetBeta/default2.asp.
among employers. As we can see in Table 1, the share of female employers in the working-age population is less than one-third of that of males.
)
| (%) | Females | Males | Ratio |
|---|---|---|---|
| LAC | 1.75 | 5.66 | 0.31 |
We then compare the size distribution of firms with male and female top managers in LAC, using data from the World Bank Enterprise Survey[16] World Bank. (s. f.). Enterprise Surveys [Base de datos]. World Bank Group. Recuperado el 28 de julio de 2026, de https://www.enterprisesurveys.org
for 2010.
5
http://www.enterprisesurveys.org/
The World Bank Enterprise Survey[16] World Bank. (s. f.). Enterprise Surveys [Base de datos]. World Bank Group. Recuperado el 28 de julio de 2026, de https://www.enterprisesurveys.org
is a firm-level survey of a representative sample of an economy’s private sector conducted for a large set of countries.6
The
Enterprise Survey is answered, in most cases, by business owners and
top managers. Typically, 1200-1800 interviews are conducted in larger
economies, 360 interviews are conducted in medium-sized economies and
for smaller economies 150 interviews take place. The manufacturing and
services sectors are the primary business sectors of interest. This
corresponds to firms classified with ISIC codes 15-37, 45, 50-52, 55,
60-64, and 72. Formal (registered) companies with 5 or more employees
are generally targeted for interview and microenterprises are not always
included. Firms with 100% government/state ownership are not eligible
to participate in an Enterprise Survey. In each country, businesses in
the cities/regions of major economic activity are interviewed. The
sampling methodology for Enterprise Surveys is stratified random
sampling, that is, all population units are grouped within homogeneous
groups and simple random samples are selected within each group.
For Latin America and the Caribbean, it contains information on 13,855
firms, with sizes ranging from 5 to 21,955 employees, from 26 countries.7
The
countries are Argentina (1054 firms), The Bahamas (150 firms), Barbados
(150 firms), Bolivia (362 firms), Brazil (1802 firms), Chile (1033
firms), Colombia (942 firms), Costa Rica (538 firms), Dominican Republic
(360 firms), Ecuador (360 firms), El Salvador (360 firms), Grenada (153
firms), Guatemala (590 firms), Guyana (165 firms), Honduras (360
firms), Jamaica (376 firms), Mexico (1480 firms), Nicaragua (336 firms),
Panama (365 firms), Paraguay (361 firms), Peru (1000 firms), St. Kitts
and Nevis (150 firms), St. Vincent and the Grenadines (154 firms),
Trinidad and Tobago (370 firms), Uruguay (607 firms), and Venezuela (320
firms).
The survey covers registered firms, excluding
the informal sector and self-employment, where women are likely to be
more heavily represented. We do not expect this limitation to
significantly affect our estimates of the aggregate costs of gender
gaps, as most productivity losses arise from medium-sized and large
firms rather than from small firms or self-employment.
As we can see in Table 2, female-run firms -defined as firms where the top manager is a woman- are not only outnumbered by male-run firms, but they are also significantly smaller in terms of employees. The median size of firms with a female manager, for example, is 16 workers, while it is 30 workers for firms with a male manager. 8 We acknowledge that the number of employees is not a perfect measure of entrepreneurial capacity or firm performance, and that alternative indicators such as sales, value added, or total factor productivity could provide a more comprehensive assessment. However, the lack of homogeneous and comparable data across all countries in our sample substantially limits the set of measures available for our analysis.
| 10 pct | 25 pct | 50 pct | 75 pct | 90 pct | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Females | 5 | 8 | 16 | 45 | 119 |
| Males | 6 | 12 | 30 | 100 | 279 |
Figure 1 shows graphically that the firm-size distribution of female-run firms is shifted to the left relative to the distribution of firms managed by men or, in other words, the distribution of female-run firms has a thicker density at low numbers of employees. 9 We plot the natural logarithm of the number of employees to help visualize the plots. Without taking logs, the large number of small firms in the data make it hard to appreciate the shape of the entire distribution.
2. Theoretical framework
⌅2.1 Setup description
⌅In this section, we briefly describe the general equilibrium framework presented in Cuberes and Teignier (2022)[7]
Cuberes, D., & Teignier, M. (2022). Size-dependent gender gaps in
entrepreneurship: The case of Chile. Latin American Economic Review, 31,
Article 5. https://doi.org/10.47963/laer.v31.55
, which is based on the span-of-control model of Lucas (1978)[12] Lucas, R. E., Jr. (1978). On the size distribution of business firms. The Bell Journal of Economics, 9(2), 508-523. https://doi.org/10.2307/3003596
and Cuberes and Teignier (2016)[6]
Cuberes, D., & Teignier, M. (2016). Aggregate costs of gender gaps
in the labor market: A quantitative estimate. Journal of Human Capital,
10(1), 1-32. https://doi.org/10.1086/684850
. The model is an occupational choice framework in
which individuals are endowed with heterogeneous entrepreneurial
ability and choose among becoming employers, self-employed workers, or
wage workers. We also consider a fourth employment category, namely
out-of-necessity entrepreneurs, who choose this occupation because they
have no other occupational options but to run their own business.
10
Using data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor survey, Poschke (2013) finds that out-of-necessity entrepreneurs represent almost 50% of all entrepreneurs in non-OECD countries.
An employer in this model can produce goods using a span-of-control
technology that combines their entrepreneurship skills, with capital,
and workers:
where denotes the amount of output, the employer’s managerial talent, the number of units of capital rented, and 𝑛 the number of units of labor. The parameter takes values between 0 and 1, implying that firms with different productivity levels coexist in equilibrium and that more talented agents manage larger firms. On the other hand, a self-employed agent can produce goods using a similar technology - adjusted by the productivity parameter - but without hiring any workers:
The parameter is a self-employed productivity parameter, which can be interpreted as one minus the fraction of time a self-employed agent spends on management tasks.
Figure 2 displays the payoff of the three occupations at each talent level. It shows that in this model, agents with the highest entrepreneurial skill (those with a talent equal to or greater than 𝑧2) optimally choose to become employers. In contrast, those with the lowest skill (those with a talent below 𝑧1) become workers, leaving the self-employment occupation to agents with intermediate skill levels. Specifically, denoting the employers’ profits by , the self-employed profits by , the equilibrium wage rate , and the capital rental rate by , the payoff functions are
In this economy, aggregate production per capita is the sum of output by employers and self-employed:
where and are the fractions of men and women who cannot obtain job offers as workers and instead choose self-employment, even if their managerial talent is . denotes the cumulative density function of managerial talent, which is assumed to be Pareto:
where .
As Appendix B shows, using the talent distribution defined in equation (2) and the optimal number of employees, , we obtain the following cumulative density function of firms’size in equilibrium:
where is the number of workers, our measure of a firm’s size; we can then calculate the statistic :
which corresponds to the log-log slope of the function .
The assumption that men and women draw their entrepreneurial ability from the same distribution constitutes a fundamental feature of the model. Our purpose in adopting this assumption is not to claim that the two groups are identical across all dimensions relevant to entrepreneurial performance, but rather to establish a benchmark framework that allows us to isolate and quantify the economic consequences of barriers that impede the efficient allocation of entrepreneurial talent.
We acknowledge that the observed differences may partly reflect disparities in the accumulation of specific human capital, managerial experience, or access to productive opportunities. However, the dataset used in our analysis does not contain the information needed to empirically identify the contribution of each mechanism. Consequently, modeling and quantifying these alternative channels are beyond the scope of the present study. Furthermore, many of these differences may themselves be the result, at least partially, of persistent inequalities in access to educational, labor market, and entrepreneurial opportunities over the life cycle, rather than reflecting inherent differences in entrepreneurial ability. Under this interpretation, assuming an identical potential distribution of entrepreneurial talent among men and women provides a natural benchmark for evaluating the efficiency losses associated with an imperfect allocation of talent.
2.2 Introducing gender gaps into the framework
⌅As explained above, the model assumes that men and women are identical in managerial skills, in the sense that they draw their talent from the same distribution. However, in our framework, women are subject to an exogenous constraint on their occupational choice: a fraction of women who would like to be employers are excluded from this occupation. This distorts efficient talent allocation and reduces employers' average talent. Specifically, females face a probability of being excluded from employership, which depends on their ability in the following way:
where is a positive constant while can be positive or negative. When , the slope of this exclusion function is negative, i.e., , which implies that more talented women are more likely to be excluded from employership.
The parameter determines the fraction of women excluded from employership when 𝑥=1, while the parameter 𝛾 determines the change in this exclusion probability as 𝑥 increases. 11 Since they do not have firm-level information, Cuberes and Teignier (2016) assume that γ=0, which means that the probability that a woman is banned from becoming an employer is independent of her managerial talent. The more negative is, the larger the output loss, since it implies that more talented women face a higher probability of being excluded from employment. Our analysis in Section 2 shows that female-run firms are significantly smaller in all the cases, which we interpret as evidence that in the LAC region. It is important to note that the data could be reproduced equally well with γ = 0 if we removed the assumption that men and women draw their managerial talent from the same distribution and that women draw their talent from a distribution with a thinner upper tail.
The value of can be estimated by comparing the cumulative density functions of male- and female-run firms. Under the exclusion probability in equation (4), the expected number of workers of a firm run by a female manager with talent becomes
which is simply the product of the probability that a woman is not excluded from employership, , and the firm's size at given talent level , . Replacing this into equation (2), we obtain the cumulative density function of female-run firms.
where denotes the density function of female-run firms. This leads to the statistic , which is the female-equivalent of the one defined in equation (3):
Taking the ratio between equations (3) and (5), we get
which can be estimated using the firm-size distributions of men and women.
3. Numerical results
⌅3.1 Model Parametrization
⌅To simulate the model, we first need to assign values to its parameters: the technology parameters [𝛼,𝜂,𝜏,𝜌], the out-of-necessity entrepreneur parameters 𝜃𝑓 and 𝜃𝑚, and the female exclusion probability parameters . In this section, we describe the procedure and the data moments used to parametrize the model. Table 3 summarizes these values.
| Value | Description | |
|---|---|---|
| τ | 0.71 | To match the share of male self-employed. |
| η | 0.72 | To match the share of male employers. |
| ρ | 4.41 | To match the males' firms size distribution. |
| α | 0.08 | To match the aggregate capital income share. |
| θ f | 0.88 | To match the share of female necessity entrepreneurs. |
| θ m | 0.87 | To match the share of male necessity entrepreneurs. |
| γ | -0.90 | To match the females' firms size distribution. |
| μ | 0.67 | To match the share of female employers. |
We start by choosing the values of and to match the fractions of necessity entrepreneurs, which are 25% for males and 35% for females. 12 See the 2015-16 Global Entrepreneurship Report, page 128 for the LAC region. We next express the parameters [𝛼,𝜌,𝛾] as functions of . In particular, to obtain a capital income share of 1/3, a value generally accepted, 𝛼 must satisfy 𝛼𝜂+(1−𝜂)=1/3, provided that profits are treated as capital income. Similarly, using equations (3) and (5) together with the fact that is equal to -1.2 and is equal to -1.6 (see Figure 3), we get that and . Finally, we jointly estimate the remaining parameters [,,] to match the shares of male and self-employed employers, as well as the ratio of female-to-male employers in the working-age population.
Figure 3 shows the ratios of the slopes of the male and female distribution functions in the data. As we can see in this figure, the absolute value of the slope is greater for females than for males, with a female-to-male ratio of 1.33. 13 We do the estimation using the sample of firms with size between 10 or more workers and the largest female-run firm.
3.2 Economic losses due to the entrepreneurship gender gaps
⌅The introduction of employership gender gaps leads to a significant fall in aggregate output, both in the short run -when the capital stock is kept fixed - and the long run -when the capital stock is adjusted to its new steady-state level. As explained in Section 3.1, this output loss is due to aggregate productivity decreasing as the average talent of employers declines, driven by the exclusion of some talented female employers. As Table 4 shows, we estimate a fall of aggregate output of about 9% in the short run and 9.4% in the long run. These losses are almost one-third larger than those we would obtain using a model where the exclusion probability is independent of talent, i.e., where 𝛾=0, since 𝛾<0 implies negative selection of women into employership.
| Short run | Long run | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| Baseline sim. (%) | Ratio to γ = 0 | Baseline sim. (%) | Ratio to γ = 0 |
| 8.9 | 1.3 | 9.4 | 1.3 |
When a woman with good management skills is barred from employment, the demand for labor and capital decreases. As a result, the equilibrium wage and interest rate decrease, making it more profitable for less-skilled agents to become entrepreneurs. In other words, both occupational thresholds and fall. On top of that, if more talented women face a higher probability of exclusion, the average talent of employers falls even further, resulting in a larger decline in total output. Table 5 illustrates this intuition: the introduction of the gender gaps reduces the equilibrium wage rate as well as the talent thresholds and . If , the fall is even larger, and the gender gap in employers' average earnings becomes positive because the average talent of female managers is now lower than that of male managers. Specifically, the talent thresholds and the wage rate fall by almost 10%, whereas the fall would be 7.5% if we did not account for the difference in the size distribution (i.e., if we assumed that ).
| No gender gaps (normalized at 100) | Gender gaps with γ < 0 | Gender gaps with γ = 0 | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Workers' wage | 100 | 90.8 | 92.5 |
| Interest rate | 100 | 91.1 | 93.1 |
| Talent threshold z 1 | 100 | 90.8 | 92.5 |
| Talent threshold z 2 | 100 | 90.8 | 92.5 |
| Employers earnings gender gap (%) | 0 | 44.0 | 0 |
4. Sensitivity analysis
⌅In this section, we present our main results for other parameter values to assess the sensitivity of the results to different assumptions. The first row of Table 6 shows the results from the benchmark simulation, as in Table 4, while the remaining rows show the short- and long-run losses under different scenarios.
The first alternative scenario, presented in the second row, shows the loss in per-capita output due to the introduction of the employership gender gaps in a context where the self-employment gender gap is also present. To be precise, we infer from the data that about 16% of women barred from that occupation can become self-employed while the rest become workers. Taking this into account, we find that introducing the gender gaps in employers generates significantly larger losses, both in the short run and the long run. Intuitively, the output loss is now larger because there is a larger fall in the share of entrepreneurs and a larger fall in the equilibrium wage, and, consequently, in the average talent of entrepreneurs. Although self-employment is clearly central to LAC labor markets, we do not use this simulation as our baseline because we want to focus on gender gaps among employers, where we can compare the size of female- and male-run firms.
The third row displays the losses under the parameter values used in Cuberes and Teignier (2016)[6]
Cuberes, D., & Teignier, M. (2016). Aggregate costs of gender gaps
in the labor market: A quantitative estimate. Journal of Human Capital,
10(1), 1-32. https://doi.org/10.1086/684850
, namely
which were estimated using data for OECD countries. In this case, the
model predicts significantly smaller losses (about one-third smaller)
and a smaller difference relative to the
framework. The main difference with respect to the benchmark
parametrization is a somewhat larger value for 𝜂, which reduces the
contribution of managerial talent to firm productivity, and especially a
larger value for
, which increases the slope of
the pdf and reduces the thickness of the talent distribution tail. As a
result, the fall in the talent threshold due to the introduction of
employership gaps is smaller, implying a lower loss of aggregate income.
The fourth row, on the other hand, shows that the income losses would also be somewhat smaller if the firm's profits (or compensation to managerial talent) were treated as labor income rather than capital income, i.e., if . The long-run results are unaffected because the capital stock adjusts to its steady-state value, making the value of 𝛼 irrelevant for determining the income fall. In the short run, the income fall is smaller because the importance of the fixed factor-namely, capital-is greater. Intuitively, in this case, there is a larger difference between the short- and long-run results because the long-run capital adjustment increases with .
Finally, the last row shows the results under an alternative setup in which self-employment is never an optimal occupational choice but only a necessity for those unable to find a job as workers. In this setup, the loss in income would be somewhat lower than in the benchmark simulation, especially in the short run, although the ratio to the case is the same. The explanation is that the parametrization of this alternative setup yields larger values of 𝜂 and 𝜌, which, as discussed above, imply smaller output losses. 14 In particular, under this alternative setup, matching the fraction of employers as well as the firm-size distribution implies a value of 𝜂=0.83 and 𝜌=7.24 .
| Short run | Long run | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Output loss (%) | Ratio to γ = 0 | Output loss (%) | Ratio to γ = 0 | |
| Benchmark simulation | 8.9 | 1.30 | 9.4 | 1.29 |
| Self-employment gender gap present | 11.8 | 1.23 | 12.5 | 1.23 |
| OECD parameters (η, ρ, τ) = (0.79, 6.5, 0.7) | 5.56 | 1.23 | 6.32 | 1.23 |
| Profits as labor inc. (α = 0.41) | 6.37 | 1.30 | 9.4 | 1.29 |
| Only necessity self-employment | 6.83 | 1.30 | 8.13 | 1.30 |
Conclusions
⌅In this paper, we document that in the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region, only about one-quarter of all firms are managed by women, and that female-managed firms are, on average, approximately three times smaller than those managed by men. We quantify the output losses associated with these gender disparities using an occupational choice model in which women face barriers to becoming firm managers, with the severity of these barriers increasing with managerial talent.
Our benchmark calibration indicates that these gender gaps generate aggregate output losses of approximately 8.9% in the short run and 9.4% in the long run. Misallocation is the root cause of the entire short-run loss, since entrepreneurial barriers exclude high-talent women from it, reducing average managerial talent and, consequently, aggregate productivity. The capital channel amplifies it by about half a percentage point in the long run.
We also show that these estimated losses are about 1.3 times larger than those obtained under an alternative specification in which the barriers to entrepreneurship are unrelated to managerial talent. Sensitivity analyses suggest that the short-run output losses range from 6.4% to 11.8%, while the corresponding long-run losses range from 8.1% to 12.5%.
Our framework attributes the observed differences in the size distributions of male- and female-managed firms to exogenous barriers that affect women's occupational choices, with these barriers assumed to be positively correlated with managerial talent. This assumption provides a tractable way of capturing the idea that more talented women are less likely to become entrepreneurs. Such barriers could reflect labor market discrimination, but they may also arise from other factors, including differences in preferences, such as a stronger preference for family time, or broader constraints affecting occupational choices. Admittedly, the welfare effects of closing gender gaps in entrepreneurship depend on the underlying causes of those gaps. Under a labor market discrimination mechanism, eliminating these disparities would likely increase both output and welfare. By contrast, if the gaps reflect a stronger preference for family among more talented women-driven, for example, by concerns about human capital transmission or by assortative matching in the marriage market-then requiring these women to operate larger firms could reduce welfare.
Our estimates should be interpreted as the outcome of the specific mechanism embodied in the model, rather than as definitive causal evidence regarding the origins of the observed differences in entrepreneurship between men and women. Our model is not intended to identify the underlying sources of these barriers. Determining the fundamental causes of the observed gender differences in entrepreneurial outcomes remains an important question for future research. Alternative explanations include gender differences in the accumulation of entrepreneurial human capital, educational choices, managerial experience, access to productive opportunities, or access to finance. Distinguishing among these competing mechanisms requires richer data than are currently available and lies beyond the scope of this paper.
We also leave for future research the
examination of the evolution of the gender gaps documented in this
article through a more recent period, as well as the cross-country
heterogeneity within Latin American and Caribbean countries. Regarding
the first point, we show in Cuberes et al. (2019)[4]
Cuberes, D., Priyanka, S., & Teignier, M. (2019). The determinants
of entrepreneurship gender gaps: A cross-country analysis. Review of
Development Economics, 23(1), 72-101. https://doi.org/10.1111/rode.12564
that gender gaps in entrepreneurship
participation do not exhibit a strong time trend. Still, we are not
aware of any study on the evolution of gender gaps by firm size.